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Progressive Taxes Can Solve California’s Fiscal Uncertainty

How tax justice in California could erase deficit with $20 billion in new revenues

Lenny-Goldberg-2.gif By Lenny Goldberg
Executive Director
California Tax Reform Association

Despite a huge budget deficit, California’s tax system leaves out opportunities to increase revenue through the closing of loopholes, exclusions, and the implementation of progressive taxation alternatives. When Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger cut billions in revenues and borrowed to cover the previous deficit, the burden of cuts was shifted to the state’s vital services, including education, health care, public safety and programs for the poor.

Though the state always faces deficit problems during an economic recession, the vast scope of this year’s $17.2 billion deficit stems directly from the governor’s cuts in revenue and the resulting costs of borrowing. So, where are the revenue sources to make up the difference?

Taxing oil shot down once

California is the only state in the country without a production tax on oil, and taxes oil far, far lower than any state — less than any place in the world our research shows. Two months ago, Assembly Democrats tried to do just this, but were shot down by Republican legislators.

In the past, the argument against an oil production, or “severance,” tax was that it was a declining resource, and “only” brought in $300 million or so. But with oil prices well over $100 per barrel, an oil severance tax would bring in close to $1.5 billion.

And at these oil prices, production is going to continue for a very long time. Over the years we have left billions in oil tax revenue in the hands of oil companies. We can no longer afford to do so; this tax should still be considered an option.

Equitable income taxes

California’s top income tax rate of 9.3 percent begins at income levels of about $90,000 for a working couple.

In the Reagan and Wilson administrations, the top brackets were 10 percent and 11 percent for the highest income earners, but those were rescinded. Now, working families pay the same rate as far wealthier families.

AB 2897 (Hancock) would restore the top brackets of the Wilson era and would raise $6.3 billion in the first year, and $5 billion on-going. Adding higher brackets of 10% at $300,000—the top 1 percent—and 11% at $600,000 would bring in about $5 billion yearly. Most of the revenue would be from the very wealthy—the top 0.3 percent who earn 17 percent of all income. We should restore the rates of the Reagan and Wilson eras.

Close corporate loopholes

Then there are corporate loopholes. Businesses fight hard to maintain their tax advantages, usually with the argument about driving jobs out of California. But the legislative analyst has taken a straightforward approach to this issue, similar to an approach the California Tax Reform Association put forward along with Sen. Martha Escutia several years ago: limit the amount of corporate income which can be sheltered through the use of these credits.

The legislative analyst has identified approximately $700 million in revenue from limiting the amount that research and development credits, and loss-carry forwards, can shelter income. She also argues, and the CTRA agrees, that the state’s enterprise zone program is wasteful and ineffective, for another $100 million.

CTRA would add to that, limiting the use of the Subchapter S form of organization to small companies, which is what it was intended for, not so large companies can avoid corporation taxes, for another $300 million.

And, while the state has cracked down on abusive tax shelters for personal income taxpayers, better information disclosure could add another $100 million—at least — from corporate tax evaders. So, we should add another $1.2 billion in corporate-loophole limitations, which have far more to do with tax sheltering than with real business decisions.

The largest business loophole in the state’s tax system, by far, is the failure to reassess commercial property, which is protected by Proposition 13. The failure to tax non-residential property on the basis of market value is loophole-ridden, economically counterproductive, harms land use decisions, and fails to generate revenue from economic growth.

Reassessing commercial property would generate $4 to $5 billion for cities, counties and schools — at least. Some of this loophole can be closed by the legislature, but the solution requires a constitutional amendment, and must be part of any long-term revenue solution to the state’s fiscal problems.

Smaller ticket items

There are many, many additional sources of revenue. The sales tax base could be broadened, to include such things as admissions to sporting events and amusement parks, cable TV, and digital downloads, for well over $1 billion, and perhaps much more.
Pollution charges and other “green” taxes can raise billions.

There are smaller but egregious loopholes, like the ability to avoid sales tax on yachts ($26 million), and the incentive for commercial property owners to buy out-of-state property and avoid capital gains ($50 million).

The truth is, there are many billions of dollars from progressive revenues that should form the basis of a solution to our state’s daunting but closeable budget deficit.

Lenny Goldberg is the Executive Director of the California Tax Reform Association.

Posted on June 10, 2008

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