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Misunderestimating Bush’s Climate Prattle: Clean Coal Katrina
By John Geesman
Green Energy War
Former California Energy Commissioner and Executive Director
President Bush’s “new national goal” announced yesterday, to stop the growth in economy-wide GHG emissions by 2025 and to make power sector emissions peak “within 10 to 15 years, and decline thereafter” rests heavily on technology. As he put it, “There are a number of ways to achieve these reductions, but all responsible approaches depend on accelerating the development and deployment of new technologies.”
Rhetorically, this is a theme lifted straight from the renowned 2002 Frank Luntz GOP message playbook, as previously deconstructed by climate blogger Joe Romm.
Substantively, it amounts to whistling past the graveyard of the Bush Administration’s collapsed ambitions to speed the commercialization of advanced coal technologies that incorporate carbon capture and sequestration. The President’s oratory has walked this path before. “Let us fund new technologies that can generate coal power while capturing carbon emissions,” Bush urged in his January State of the Union Address. The next day his Administration withdrew from its FutureGen project, citing unacceptable cost overruns.
FutureGen had been the flagship of the “clean coal” initiative launched in 2003. The Administration enlisted 13 private sector partners from around the world to cosponsor a 275-megawatt IGCC plant which would capture and sequester its carbon emissions underground. Under the agreement, taxpayers would be liable for 74% of the costs, and the private parties 26%.
Putting a brave face on a stunning implosion of expectations, DOE officials appeared before the House Subcommittee of Energy and the Environment the day before the President’s latest speech and insisted they had canceled the project in order to accelerate the realization of its objectives. The new plan calls for three or four plants and a renegotiated split of responsibilities between the government and the cosponsors. And a completion date of 2016 at the earliest, compared to the originally scheduled 2012. The subcommittee did not appear to be buying any of it.
As the Luntz strategy memo makes clear, Americans have an almost boundless belief in the power of technology and our role in making it available to the world. “Clean coal” has been widely understood to be one of the cornerstones of this Administration’s energy policy. In the Green Energy War, we are a long way from measuring up to what Franklin Roosevelt described in 1940 as the “great arsenal of democracy”. George Bush probably knows that better than most.
Green Energy Warriors habitually identify George W. Bush as the culprit in the “who-thwarted-progress?” lineup of suspects which has substituted for US action on climate policy these past seven years. His putative mastermind, Dick Cheney, is a consistent runner up.
Reaction to the mishmash of disingenuous and conflicting precepts bundled together into a White House speech today is likely to follow a predictable “it’s-too-little-too-late” theme. The more imaginative will attempt to spin it as a crafty move to preempt Congress from its supposedly imminent enactment of climate legislation.
In the wordsof an earlier Republican President, “We could do that, but it would be wrong.”
A better approach would be a forensic analysis of the witness’ statement for evidence of what at least some subset of the Republican Brain Trust believes are credible (i.e., not indefensible) positions. Unless one believes this movable skill set and its business sponsors will be completely vanquished from both the executive branch and legislative branch after the November elections, the emotional temptations of political hubris and/or Bush vilification may distract even the dispassionate analyst.
Context is perhaps the most significant factor here. The third session of the Major Economies climate group convenes next week in Paris. Although scoffed at as a diversionary alternative to the UNFCC process for negotiating a post-Kyoto agreement, the proposal to focus climate diplomacy on mutual commitments by Big Players was a respectable gambit before its expropriation by the Bush Administration. Given its embrace by career diplomats among major foreign ministries around the world, it is likely to endure as a bargaining forum long past the American elections.
Set in that context, Bush’s “commitment” to stop US growth in GHG emissions is more non sequitur than nonstarter. As made clear in the IPCC’s Fourth Assessment Report, global emissions — not just those in the US — must peak in the next decade or two and then decline by mid-century to well below current levels in order to avoid dangerous climate change. With a limp-wristed toss, the onetime Denier-in-Chief has thrown acceptance of an American target into the pot.
John Geesman just completed his term as a Commissioner on California Energy Commission and served in the Brown Administration as its Executive Director. He writes “California Green Energy War: A former California Energy Commissioner digests global climate and energy politics” where this article originally appeared and it is republished with his permission. Geesman says of his site: “The Green Energy War is no stranger to passion, but is subject to periodic mind-clearing blasts of rationality as well. Won't you join me on patrol of this frontier as global society works through the greatest struggle of the 21st Century?”
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