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California Voters Should Buy Retail When Voting for President
By Susanne Savage

Now that we have a February ‘08 presidential primary, a debate is raging within California’s progressive community about which candidate would benefit most from the earlier date. Most argue Hillary Clinton and her money machine would emerge victorious while any insurgent candidate (with little money but lots of moxie) wouldn’t get out of the gate.
This premise is predicated on the concept that California, unlike Iowa or New Hampshire, is a “media state” where campaigns are waged exclusively over the airwaves rather than on the ground. Californians, the conventional wisdom goes, can forget about seeing Sen. Obama in a neighborhood diner over a cup of coffee. Candidates would come here to raise gobs of cash, define themselves by handsomely produced television ads, and appear at the occasional rally for the news cameras.
Political consultants rely on this scheme because they’re paid by the amount of media they buy, not by the number of votes they deliver. The system is rigged in favor of viewers being bombarded with commercial after commercial because it makes the people behind the candidates rich.
What few people are discussing, however, is how the rules of the game have shifted in California, and how the “big media” paradigm makes the state’s progressive community the biggest loser of all. Why? Just ask Steve Bing.
Steve Bing, the multi-millionaire producer and real estate scion, was the money man behind Prop 87, the statewide ballot initiative to fund alternative energy research, production and incentives. He and his consultants played the game with clockwork precision. They had a winning issue (alternative energy), Bing’s unlimited funding capacity, high powered consultants (including former Clinton advisor Paul Begala), unlimited star power (Bill Clinton, Al Gore, Julia Roberts, Robert Redford etc.) and a great villain (Chevron).
The result? Prop 87 lost 45% to 54%. Why? Because the consultants invested absolutely nothing into coalition building and field campaigning. They poured over $36 million into advertising, but zero into partnerships with their natural allies, such as the environmental and alternative energy interests, or the grassroots activists who really would have spread the gospel. So on November 9, instead of any lasting groundwork of a citizen’s movement to bring renewable energy research to California, Steve Bing was left with nothing except a media bill the size of Texas.
Compare this with the efforts of the Alliance for a Better California, the coalition of nurses, teachers and firefighters opposing Governor Schwarzenegger’s 2005 special election. Yes, there was a media component, but there was also a huge field effort that brought together union workers, community organizers and grassroots activists. In Los Angeles County alone, thousands of volunteers contacted hundreds of thousands of voters around three key ballot measures. The result was a clear victory against Gov. Schwarzenegger’s agenda, and the beginnings of a long term partnership among disparate community interests.
It was a similar story with the efforts of the independently run Democratic Party of the San Fernando Valley last November. Volunteers and a small paid staff at the Van Nuys headquarters registered hundreds of new Democrats, recruited over 1000 volunteers and made over 140,000 calls and visits to registered voters. They were particularly effective in securing Debra Bowen’s narrow election as Secretary of State. And they intend to deliver the Valley again in 2008.
The truth is California is an eminently winnable state for retail politicians, particularly for Democrats who can focus on the relatively compact, voter rich areas of Los Angeles and San Francisco. Furthermore, by activating volunteers and the party faithful, these campaigns will ensure California’s progressive legacy long after the campaign is over. In 2003, the Dean for America campaign exploded in California with spontaneous activism not seen in decades. The ad hoc groups Los Angeles for Dean, San Francisco for Dean and others around the state presided over meet-ups that were literally swarming with volunteers, all looking for some way to make a difference. The problem was that with a March primary, California didn’t matter then, except for its role in the money primary. There’s little doubt that insurgent candidate Howard Dean would have won an early California primary in 2004. Instead he left behind hundreds of active chapters of Democracy for America, which could now have the opportunity to help decide our nominee in 2008.
What candidates and campaigns should learn is that you can’t just “dial it in” to California any more. Seeing us as the “money state” or the “media state” is a dangerous trap for this year’s contestants and jeopardizes the future health of California’s progressive community. Candidates need to build a movement in order to win in February and then win again in November and beyond. The good news is there are legions of people here waiting for the call.
Susanne Savage is a political activist and consultant based in Los Angeles. She can be reached at Susanne@savagespeaking.com.
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